Marketing Applications of Internet Marketing Essay

Internet-based media offer a range of opportunities for marketing products and services across the purchase cycle. Organizations can use online communications such as their websites, third-party websites and email marketing as means of: †¢An advertising medium. For example, BP plc and its subsidiary companies, such as Castrol Limited, uses large-format display or interactive ads on media sites to create awareness of brands and products such as fuels and lubricants. †¢A direct-response medium. For example, easyJet uses sponsored links when a user is researching a flight using a search engine to prompt them to directly visit the easyJet site by clicking through to it. Similarly the easyJet e-mail newsletter sent to customers can encourage them to click through to a web site to generate sales. †¢A platform for sales transactions. For example, easyJet sells flights online to both consumers and business travellers. †¢A lead-generation method. For example, when BP offers content to business car managers about selecting the best fuel for company cars in order to identify interest from a car fleet manager. †¢A distribution channel. For example, for distributing digital products. This is often specific to companies with digital products to sell such as online music resellers such as Napster (www.napster.com) and Apple iTunes (www.itunes.com) or publishers of written or video content. †¢A customer service mechanism. For example, customers serve themselves on easyJet.com by reviewing frequently asked questions. †¢A relationship-building medium where a company can interact with its customers to better understand their needs and offer them relevant products and offers. For example, easyJet uses its e-mail newsletter and tailored alerts about special deals to help keep its customers and engage them in a dialogue to understand their needs through completing surveys and polls.

How does Coleridge tell the story in part 3 of Rime of the Ancient Mariner Essay

The opening line of part 3 in the first stanza, ‘THERE passed a weary time’, indicates to the reader that the Mariner is still in a state of suffering, continued from part 2. The capitalisation of the word, ‘there’, suggests that nature’s torture is only being directed at those on the ship. Coleridge furthers the idea of nature’s torture in this stanza through his use of death imagery, ‘each throat was parched and glazed each eye. ’ The word, ‘glazed’ implies a sort of mental vacancy or vegetation, whilst ‘parched’ denotes that they are completely dried out, not only are they dehydrated but they are dried out in the sense that the Mariner has now completely lost any remnant of hope and faith in nature. The enjambment in the line is used to highlight and emphasise the extent of the dehydration among the ship’s crew. However, by the 5th line, the tone of the stanza has become less sullen, shown through Coleridge’s deviation from the ballad form. The two extra lines mark the sense of hope newly acquired by the ship after they see a ‘something in the sky. ’ Both the second and third stanzas return to the traditional ballad form to show the ficklness of the Mariner’s hope. In stanza 2, Coleridge uses nebulous language, ‘shape’ and ‘seemed’, in this stanza in order to maintain the suspense caused by both the reader and the Mariner’s uncertainty about this ‘speck. ’ It’s also used to reflect the desperation of the Mariner, as his tone has become more positive despite the potentially dangerous object. The Mariner’s self-assured tone continues in the third stanza, shown through the structural device of punctuation, ‘A speck, a mist, a shape, I wist! ’ The exclamation is used in order to show the hopefullness of the Mariner, the internal rhyme used by Coleridge also creates an upbeat tone, as it speeds up the pace of the poem. Coleridge creates a contrast with the quote, ‘[the object] plunged and tacked and veered’, as the Mariner’s own ship is completely still, the contrast implies to the reader that, perhaps, this ‘sprite’ may be of the supernatural realm, as there is no breeze after all. In stanza 7, Coleridge deviates from the traditional ballad form, this time to make the reader aware of the threat that the shape imposes on the Mariner. Within the sestet, Coleridge uses a number of literary devices in order to communicate the danger the Mariner’s ship is now facing. We see the poet use elemental imagery with the quote, ‘the western wave was all-aflame. ’ The pairing of two conflicting elements, water and fire, almost seems unnatural, and is an example of the poem’s supernatural theme. Indeed, the imagery is used to indicate to the reader that the Mariner is now dealing with something supernatural. Coleridge also uses symbolism through the quote, ‘that strange shape drove suddenly betwist us and the Sun. ’ At this point, the Mariner is blocked from any source of light, and arguably, as God created light, this means he is completely cut off from God, and as a result any kind of assistance from God is being obstructed. Essentially, the mariner is unable to be protected or defended against any kind of harmful or supernatural being by this point. Similar symbolism is used in stanza 8, as ‘the Sun was flecked with bars’, suggesting that the sun has now been imprisioned by this object. The quote together with the simile, ‘through a dungeon-grate he peered’ implies that whatever has imprisioned the sun is perfectly capable of encaging the Mariner’s ship, increasing the fear felt by the Mariner at this moment in his story. In stanzas 10 and 11, the reader learns that ‘Death’ and ‘Life-in-Death’ are in charge of the mysterious ship. The personification and capitalisation of these two figures communicate to the reader the extent of their power. Coleridge triggers shock in the reader by abandoning the expected rhyme scheme, having an abccb rather than the routine and typically ballad-like abcb scheme, Coleridge’s manipulation of structure through capricious punctuation also adds to the shock; ‘is that Death? ’ A total of five questions are asked in stanza 10, creating a sense of both danger and uncertainty. In stanza 11, Coleridge is able to evoke shock from the reader once again when depicting ‘Life-in-Death. ’ The reader is first told that ‘her locks were yellow as gold,’ as the simile is fairly conventional, containing the typical romantic and regal imagery, Coleridge is able to fool us until he reveals that ‘her skin was white as leprosy. ’ The juxtaposition between ‘gold’ and ‘leprosy’ presents her as this liminal figure, whilst she has certain characteristics of a conventional seductress type; she is still ghost-like, even demonic. In stanzas 15, 16 and 17, Coleridge implies to the reader that Life-in-Death and Death’s trivialised game of death has led to the mariners’ deaths’ with the exemption of the Ancient Mariner. Already, on the first line of the 15th stanza, the ‘star-dogged Moon’ suggests that change is near. The Mariner communicates his constant guilt to the reader by prolonging the first line, ‘one after one’, the caesura, used to emphasise the slowing down of pace, also helps to reflect his remorse about the other mariners, who he feels responsible for. However, by the 16th stanza he speaks in a somewhat detached way as speaks with mathematical language, rather than emotionally engaged language, ‘four times fifty living men,’ despite his guilt. Alternatively, the Mariner may have become desensitised after, apparently, centuries of telling this story. Coleridge uses onomatopeoia in order to create a more vivid perception in the reader’s mind, ‘heavy thump, a lifeless lump. ’ The internal rhyme is used to heighten our auditory and visual senses even more, as it echoes the sound created by ‘thump’. The onomatopeic language is also used to echo the fact that the Mariner is now completely isolated. In the final stanza, we see another example of the Mariner’s feelings of guilt when he references his own shooting of the Albatross, ‘every soul†¦passed me by like the whizz of my cross-bow. ’ The Mariner’s routine remark about the Albatross at the end of each part suggest that his guilt is long lasting, as it has remained with him ever since. Essentially, the quote implies that his shooting of the albatross has resulted in the 200 deaths of his fellow mariners; part 3 leave us with the sense that the Mariner is now isolated, as well as wrapped up in guilt.

Compare and contrast the distinguishing features of episode 2 of the mini series Changi and The Shoehorn Sonata

Gordon's Will is the 2nd episode of a six part series called Changi. The story is of one mans struggle to overcome and survive life in a POW camp. Gordon uses flash backs to reconstruct the past for the audience. Gordon (in the present time) has suffered a stroke and is having major medical and family troubles. Most of the show is shot in the POW camp where the secret nine live, a group of Gordon's friends that are also being held captive and that have formed an unbreakable and special bond. Midway through the show Gordon is asked to salute lieutenant Aso. When Gordon refuses, Aso commands Gordon to stand on a box until he is ready to salute, Gordon still refuses and stands on the box for three days, this is an example of Gordon's will to survive Changi with respect. There are many influential characters in Changi. ‘The Secret nine' are a ‘band of brothers' who without each other could not have emotionally survived the Changi POW camp. Gordon is the most influential character in the show, being that this episode is based on his time in the camp and life after it. Changi needed to use alot of dialogue because it is a television program. Australian slang such as ‘G, day', ‘bloody hell', ‘Japs' and ‘stick ya bib in' is used regularly throughout the show. Japanese is used throughout Changi wich gives the show a sence of urgency and helps to establish the setting. In the opening title you hear soothing/melodic music with a sudden burst of screaming, crying and wailing, this is symbolic of the pain and suffering Gordon (and other POW captives) had top survive. Changi is set around Gordon (an old man in the present and a young man in flashbacks). In the present Gordon is a lonely, old and sick man. In the Flashbacks Gordon was strong, stubborn, and willing to do anything in order to survive. The literal setting is a Japanese POW camp and a hospital, both places are symbolic of death. Many different camera techniques are used to develop the theme in Changi. Extreme close ups are used mainly in Changi to show fear and desperation on a characters face. In the second half of the show an extreme close up is used, it focuses on sweat that is dropping from Gordon's head when he is standing on the box, this was to show Gordon's determination to survive. On the Road to Gundagai is used as a theme song for the ‘secret 9'. Music was a coping mechanism for Gordon and his fellow prisoners so as to survive imprisonment with a stable mind. On the road to Gundagai was used because a lot of Australian people know and recognise that song. Both Changi and the Shoehorn Sonata have many similarities and many differences. In regards to the plot the Shoehorn Sonata and Changi are both about WW2 and being captured in a POW but are from two different perspective's (women's and men's). In regards to the characters in the texts both texts showed the main characters in the past and the present. In regards to the dialogue both texts use Japanese to give the show or play a sence of urgency and to define the setting clearly. IN regards to the setting both texts are very different; one is set in a hospital and the POW camp and the other is set in a television studio and a hotel. In regards to photography both texts use images to provoke the audience into feeling for the characters. Being a television series Changi has used photography every second of the show but being a play photography was used sparingly, but was still present. In regards to music/songs The Shoehorn Sonata used songs with lyrics that were symbolic of survival and Changi used a popular Australian song to symbolise ‘the secret 9's'will to survive. This essay has shown the distinguishing features of episode 2 of the mini series Changi and The Shoehorn Sonata, it then compared and contrasted them. Both texts dealt with a common theme of survival.

SWOT analysis of 2 fictitious companies and what my company, a Research Proposal

SWOT analysis of 2 fictitious companies and what my company, a competitor of these 2 companies, would do about a weakness from each company - Research Proposal Example All this is possible when the organization is aware of its internal and external environment. Hence, in this paper an attempt is made to analyze the environment of S & W and Makatume, both from the tools industry and appropriate strategies are suggested. As mentioned in the abstract, the success of any entity is directly dependent on its ability to see into the future. The extent to which an entity can envision itself into the future decides the survival and growth of that entity. But at this point of time, it is not sufficient that a company just grows, but it can serve the best interests of its stakeholders only if it can ensure sustained development. Self awareness in the teams, departmental and organizational level is the first step towards development of strategies (Whetton, 2002). Hence, to have a clear awareness of the internal and external environment, the SWOT analysis is carried out. 5. Change in buying preferences of the consumers to go for specialized tools which adopt modern designs and technology. The dynamic nature of consumer preferences makes development of marketing strategies an very challenging task.(Paul Peter, 1996) Of the major weaknesses mentioned, two of the weakness are related to its production systems. The plants are outdated and are located in high labor cost area. Also the company is unable to adapt to the changing environment. If we watch closely, all these weakness

Genetic Algorithms Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Genetic Algorithms - Essay Example There are few behavior to crack the N-queens problem. A number of of them are trying all the variations, using backpedal methods, by means of strengthening learning methods, and etc. In this scheme, genetic algorithm will be old to solve this problem by with GAlib package. Genetic Algorithms are adaptive methods which may be used to resolve look for and optimization problems. They are base on the genetic processes of organic organisms. Over a lot of generation, natural populations develop according to the principles of usual assortment and "continued existence of the fittest". By mimicking this procedure, genetic algorithms are clever to "evolve" answers to real world problems, if they contain been suitably prearranged. Genetic Algorithms utilize a direct analogy of usual behavior. They labor with a population of "individuals", every representing a likely solution to a known problem. Every individual is allocating a "fitness score" according to how good a answer to the problem it is. The highly fit persons are given opportunities to "copy", by "cross propagation" with other persons in the population. This produces new persons known as "offsprings", which share some skin taken from each "close relative". The smallest amount fit members of the population are less probable to get chosen for copy, and so determination "die out". How do they work A whole new population of likely solutions is thus shaped by selecting the best persons from the current "generation", and mates them to produce a new set of persons. This original age group contains a higher amount of the characteristics obsessed by the high-quality members of the previous age group. In this way, over a lot of generations, good individuality is increase throughout the population, life form mixed and exchanged with other high-quality individuality as they go. By favouring the mating of the additional fit individuals, the most talented areas of the look for space are travel around. If the genetic algorithm has been intended well, the population will meet to an optimal answer to the problem. How contain they been productively practical to any real-world problems The authority of genetic algorithms come as of the fact that the technique is healthy, and can deal productively with a wide variety of problem areas, counting those which are hard for other techniques to solve. Genetic algorithms are not certain to find the global most favorable solution to a problem, but they are usually good at finding "well enough good" answers to problems "well enough quick". Where specialized methods exist for solving exacting problems, they are probable to break genetic algorithms in both speed and correctness of the last consequence. The main earth for genetic algorithms, then, is in hard areas anywhere no such techniques exist. Smooth anywhere existing techniques employment well, improvements have been complete by hybridizing them with a genetic algorithm. What do they contain to do with cognitive discipline Genetics will more and more enable physical condition professionals to recognize, treat, and stop the 4,000 or more genetic diseases and disorders that our class is heir to. Genetics determination

International trade between Kuwait and the World Essay

International trade between Kuwait and the World - Essay Example Petroleum production accounts for almost 95% of export revenues and provides 80% of government’s income (Moore 179). The rising oil prices around the world have significantly influenced Kuwait’s economic growth. Its government has been keen on reducing the overreliance of oil through the transformation into a regional trading and enhancing Kuwait as a tourism hub (Dianne, Peter, and Nasser 1-15) Kuwait is very active on food imports, vehicles and also construction materials and services. Despite Kuwait’s relatively small population, itis firmly placing itself among the world’s most popular and attractive markets for many leading international franchises. The major motivating factor to these franchises lies on the young, strong shopping and consumer culture and the affluent population that has a great affinity for international brands. It is a suitable destination for retailers around the world seeking to extend their footprint. Kuwait’s law restricts foreign firms from opening branches solely in the country, but retailers can enter in the market through joint ventures and partnership with the locally incorporated companies (Moore 128). Before venturing into any market, it is always advisable to explore several factors such as the culture of the people, economic overview, geographical factors, religion, living standards, and the people’s responsiveness to international businesses. Habitants of the Gulf region are not anyhow strangers to conflicts and contradictions. Many are the idiosyncrasies that have shaped the region in both the ancient and the modern times. In the country, there have been contacts with the western countries and most their corporations and these have resulted to a commendable improvement to the region (Dianne 6). It has been through encouragement for better education, increased communication, greater mobility and an improved healthcare. Though cultural conflicts are now minimal, in the past

Debating Globalisation Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words - 1

Debating Globalisation - Essay Example (Globalization, n.d.) Increasing international trade and financial flows are integrating the economies. Some countries integrate with the world economy more aggressively than others. For small economies openness to the world economy allowed flow of goods and services and capital inflow that the domestic economy could not provide. In some cases the geographical area of the country can also help in increasing globalization of the economy. The multinational companies acted as the key initiator of globalization. The process of globalization gained momentum in the second half of the 20th century and significantly developed over the last 20 years (Schlamberger, n.d., Kearney, 2001, pp 56-58: OECD, 2005, p.16). In order to understand the true meaning of globalization one needs to study the changes in a country’s environment due to the phenomenon and measure it properly to justify the changes. Measurement of globalization Globalization cannot be directly measured but its level might b e gauged through different indicators. The method is quantitative and statistical which conducts classification based on globalization of operations. Traditional use of statistics will not be enough in measuring the magnitude and the extent of globalization and needs to be supplemented with other indicators. Many new concepts are developing in the global economy, which needs to be defined properly and added to the existing tools, for constructing a suitable analytical framework. Moreover the existing International Standards need to be adjusted for considering the new developments through globalization. The two group properties that need to measure are the degree of globalization and the result of globalization. (Schlamberger, n.d.; Vujakovic, 2010) Globalization needs to be measured in three broad dimensions, the social, political and economic aspects (Globalization, n.d.). The elements of globalization are increase in the free movement of goods and services across borders, increase in the unrestricted flow of capital and labor across national boundaries and also transfer of technology. Along with this globalization also include flow of different ideas, information and culture from one county to the other. Though globalization is not a new phenomenon and has its roots in the industrial revolution of the east but the present wave has been initiated by a set of new factors like deregulation of financial services in many economies, emergence of modern and smooth transport and communication system and the development of the emerging economies most importantly. The transition in the field of information technology and the third generation revolution of technological changes boost the process of globalization as a whole. The key measures of globalization are firstly the share of the international trade in the total gross domestic product of the country; secondly the inflow and outflow of foreign direct investment in the country, and the inflow and outflow of portfol io investment as measured by the percentage share in GDP. The third indicator is the cultural measure of globalization indicated by the percentage of international tourists in the total population of the country and the measurement of income from tourism as a share of the total income of the country. The record of the international telephone calls of a country along with the percentage of Internet user of the country in the total popu

Career Coaching & Personal Development Assignment

Career Coaching & Personal Development - Assignment Example The week’s lecture involved the use of questionnaire one of which had been prepared by our lecturer. The module highlighted Person-environment (P-E) fit theory of organizational behavior, which forms the basis for assessing and predicting our personality, determine our skills and our preferable careers. The first questionnaire was about scoring myself on my skill. We first filled a questionnaire followed by adding up our scores. I scored highest on People Skills, which suggested that I like carrying out activities such as management, guiding others, in addition to activities that require persuasiveness.These traits suggested that my preferable careers were management, as well as other jobs in the field of business. This was encouraging since I had never considered myself persuasive. These findings made me realize that I had more potential than I had previously thought and needed to be open-minded since I could do other jobs other than management. The next questionnaire was on Career Directions Indication, which was based on the model of John Holland in the form of a hexagon, depicting the six different personalities or themes, which include Realistic, Investigative, Artistic Social, Enterprising, and conventional. People who share the same personality prefer working together and have a specific work environment in which they perform best.   Holland’s model is based on Person-environment (P-E) fit theory and denotes the congruence, match, or connection between the personalities and environment. Understanding one's personality is important in that it helps one choose a career that provides the appropriate environment.  It was intriguing to learn that all individuals may be associated with this model of personality types and that one can fall in up to three of these themes. The model is hexagonal and the different personalities are arranged such that personality types that are neighbouring share some similarities while those lying oppositely diff er more. I eagerly completed the questionnaire and the results proposed that I fall into is ‘Enterprising’, ‘Social’ and ‘conventional’ themes. This was captivating since the three personality types lie adjacent to each other. Being in enterprising category meant that I prefer managerial and sales type of jobs, which is true.

Paper 1 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words - 6

Paper 1 - Essay Example It describes how a particular professional group should act ethically when discharging their duties (Harris 17). In the second case study, engineer A was recently hired to by safecomp to work in their quality control department. After a few weeks, the engineer was asked to sign off some protocols, standards and testing procedures since he had been the one working on them. However, engineer A felt that he was not experienced enough to sign off such crucial documents since he was not fully acquainted with the procedures and standards at safecomp. The engineer let his supervisor know about his stand, but the supervisor would hear none of it. Finally, engineer decided not to sign off the documents, as he was not sure and thought he would jeopardize his career by signing the documents. This paper will support engineers a decision not to sign off the documents. The Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers (IEEE) has laid out a code ethics to govern this professional group. Under the code of ethics by the IEEE, by signing off the documents, engineer A would be agreeing to take responsibility for the safety and health of those would end up using the product (Ieee.org). However, due to his lack of experience the engineer did not think he would be able to sign off such protocols. He was also unsure of the procedures and standards of the company, and as such, the engineer felt that he did not have the authority to sign off such crucial documents. Although he was charged with the responsibility of handling the quality control department, the company should have given the engineer enough time on the job to acquire the necessary experience and get to know the procedure of the company before being allowed to sign off such crucial documents. In the event the products were faulty, he would be held directly responsible for any casualties and would jeopardize his career and even risk jail time. The IEEE code of ethics also states that a professional should always

Marketing Management Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words - 2

Marketing Management - Assignment Example Coca cola should consider and integrate diverse aspects of demographic environment including changing mixes of age, ethnicity, and variations in educational levels (Martin and John 860). Coca Cola’s marketing in 2014 requires economic analysis exploring international recession and inflation rates. The contemporary purchasing power of Coca cola consumers depends on the current earnings, costs, savings, debt, and consumer spending patterns. Coca cola marketers must take keen note of the shortages in raw materials, increased energy costs and pollution levels (Martin and John 863). Pollution levels of the non-biodegradable coca cola bottles and lids may lead to production and sales limiting by the various states and governments hence the marketers must keenly take note about it. The advancement in technology in 2014 directly affects the sales and marketing of Coca-cola. The internet and other forms of broadcasting media agencies make advertisements easier thereby increasing sales. Marketers of Coca-cola must comply and work within the stipulated laws and regulations regarding business within every country of operation. The various global governments have laws protecting coca cola and other companies from unfair competitions in the market. Individuals in various societies have varying views regarding the Coca-cola drink. The marketers must incorporate the community and individual views regarding the drink in order to be successful in the

The course of Civil War Essay Example for Free

The course of Civil War Essay To what extent did the military strategies and tactics of the armies of North and South change during the course of Civil War? Strategies and tactics did not change drastically in the South. The Strategies used by South were constant. At the beginning of the war, both side had the impression that the war would be short but this was not the case the war lasted for 4 years. During the war, the North was more offensive to the South. On the other hand, the South was always on the defensive side, they were trying to gain more sympathy. The evolution of weapons and communication improved a lot and changed the nature of the warfare. Furthermore, both sides reduced the amount of cavalry that they used in the civil war. Both sides also limited the amount of artillery that they used. In fact, the rifles were more useful than the artillery. The South also used the Guerrilla warfare against the North during the Civil War. Additionally, the influence of the naval war increased as the war went on. Overall, both sides did change their military strategies during the Civil War. But it was hard to argue that both sides had an enormous change in their military strategies and tactics. At the beginning of the war, 1861, both sides were not prepared for the war. At the beginning of the Civil War, the Union had only 16,000 men in the army, and only 90 of them were in the War Department. The Union was not ready for the war was due to the leadership problem. General Winfield Scott, the Union general had no idea about any strategic plan and no programme for mobilisation. Moreover, the President of the Union, Abraham Lincoln had no military experience at all. On the other hand, the Confederate had a little advantage of its military organization. The President of the Confederate, Jefferson Davis at least had some military experience. Under Davis control, there were 300 officers resigned from the Union and who joined the Confederate. Moreover, there were also state militias in the South that prepared for the war. In the early of 1852, both sides suffered number of men in the army, there were not enough soldiers for both sides. In March 1862, Davis introduced conscription that every white man, age between 18-35 had to server in the military service due to the end of the war. Davis believed the conscription act would help to increase the number of men in the army. On the other hand, the North also had the Carrot and stick approach to try to increase the number of men in their army. The stick approach was a Militia Law which was similar to a conscription act which forced people to serve in the military service. By 1865, both sides raised enormous armies, and there were 900,000 men in the Confederate and there were 2. 1 million men in the Union side. The North increased its number of men in army from 16,000 in 1861 men to 2. 1 million in 1865. On the other hand, the south increased its number of men in the army from 160,000 in 1861 to 900,000 men in 1865. Statistically, both sides had increased their number of men 10 times or even 20 times more in 5 years. Both sides have also changed their tactics on offensive and defensive. Once the rifle-musket was used by both sides, the defending force always had a great advantage. This was because most of the soldiers were in trenches when they were defending. However, the attacking force had to move forward to be able to captured enemy’s flank. The Consequence was that casualties would be heavier on the attacking side. It was hard for the attacking side to win the battle. In large scale battle, attacking force formed 2 lines. First line was working forward to try to kill as many enemies as they could. Second line would be fed in to restore the attacks momentum. Each line had about 1000 men. Again, casualties would be heavier on the attacking side because while they were attacking, they were in open ground without any protection. In May 1864, 19 millions bullets were fired in a single week in North Virginia. As the number of bullets that were fired in a week, it is easy to imagine the amount of soldiers who died on the battle field. Moreover, the Confederate used Guerrilla warfare during the war. There were guerrilla dimension in Missouri, Kentucky, Arkansas and Tennessee. The guerrilla warfare helped the confederate but this help was very limited, because guerrilla warfare was not popular at that time. Overall, the new tactics on offensive and defensive leads to huge amount of casualties on the battle field, and there was a significant change in the tactics of offensive and defensive during the Civil War. The evolution of weapons and communications has changed the nature of the warfare. In previous wars, both sides were still using the smoothbore musket which only had about 100 yards range. But in 1855, both sides were using rifled weapons instead of smoothbore musket. Those rifled weapon with the adoption of the minie ball have the shooting range up to 600 yards. In fact, it was more accurate. These improvements of the weapons made a huge impact on the battle field. Of course, the consequence was more casualties in both sides. The communication in both sides has also improved a great deal. Both sides had developed more railway tracks, so men and resource could travel around and supplied more efficiently. There were also steamboats in both sides that played an important supply role on the Mississippi and its tributaries. Moreover, there was telegraph that enabled the commanders to communicate with his units even if there were far away from each other. Both North and South strategy and tactics were affected by improvements in communication. The use of cavalry and artillery did not play an important role in the Civil War. The cavalry was not involved in any direct attack in the civil war. The cavalry was used to guard an army’s flanks, obtain supplies and cover retreats. The accuracy of rifle-fire meant that cavalry were no longer a major force on the battlefield. About 20 per cent of the confederate and 15 per cent of the Union troops were cavalry. At the beginning of the Civil War, the confederate cavalry was better than Union. This was because the good morale and good leaders like Jeb Stuart. However, by 1863, the Union cavalry was just as good as the confederate cavalry. Even though, there were not a lot of cavalry troops in both sides, it still gave out certain help like giving out supply. Moreover, the use of artillery did not play an important part in the Civil war as well. This was because the use of artillery could not be well used in the areas that took place in the Civil War. Moreover, riled-musket was more useful compare to the cannon. Furthermore, the north had better potential to produce more and better guns because of their strong industrial support. Moreover, the confederate manufactured some of its own gun, but it was not as good as the Unions. Overall, the use of cavalry and artillery did not have a significant role in the Civil War, but in fact it did affect both sides in some aspects. Both sides show a significant change on their naval warfare. In April 1861, the Union only had 8800 men in the navy. They only had 90 ships and only few of them were in action. However, the confederate was even worst. They did not have any navy at all in 1861. As soon as the war started, the North sent the merchant marine to blockade the South. And the amount of the ships in December 1861 increased to 260 warships on duty and 100 more were under construction. Blockading the South gave huge advantages to the North. This was because the Confederate could sell cotton in Europe in order to manufacture more new technology. However, with the blockade, they could not trade with any other countries. So the South would not be able to get money and manufacture any goods. The number of ship that increased by North between April 1861 to December 1861 was enormous. The result was that the South could not rely on its trade with other countries and lead to poor economic. The Union had an enormous change on their naval warfare but the Confederate did not. The military strategies and tactics of the armies of North and South did in fact have changed during the Civil War. Both sides did have changed on their offensive and defensive tactics, new weapons and communication. But on the other hand, both sides did not change on their cavalry and artillery. So it was hard to argue that both sides have enormous change in all aspects.

They Raped My Mother Essay Example for Free

They Raped My Mother Essay There is nothing wrong in seeing industrial progress, advancing developments, urbanization, progressive changes on massive structural constructions that mark the sign of a developing society. These rapid changes in our natural landscapes into industrial sites hinted a great leap and obvious progressive revolution that may replace natural landscapes with artificial and machine generated edifices. Forebodingly, the trouble is yet to come. The once fresh, cool and relaxing air was despicably substituted with polluted and poisonous gases that comes from car smoke emissions, manufacturing plant discharges and other causes that is extremely harmful to human’s health. In fact, we don’t have to expansively look far to find the culprits and serve justice at their faces. They are all around us and at one time we may find ourselves dreadfully shamefaced when we tolerate the obvious destruction of our beloved nature. Some third world countries around Asia like Philippines itself, Taiwan, Thailand, Beijing China, Singapore, HongKong, Tokyo Japan, Vietnam, and Brunei has the same problem on all sorts of pollution. Some of these countries like Hong Kong has been fighting back on how to save and recycle used water into usable, safe drinking water again. It is grievously distressing to know that in the cities there is no longer clean air to breathe. Of course, air pollution is the awful by-product in all urban settlements. Our once clear and blue sky now darkens with dusty smog and heavy dirt-loaded fog that proved to be unhealthy to the city’s inhabitants. There are millions of ways to easily pollute the air yet there has been no solution on how to stop this enormously destructive equivalent of progress. Who’s going to pay in this peculiar and yet highly repulsive crime? Who is suffering most from this deceptive brand of freely exercised air destruction? One of the obvious examples of materials that greatly contribute to air pollution were those manufacturing plants that burn plastics. Those simple plastics from refreshment cups, sando bags, transparent water bottles and Expandable Polystyrene (EPS) or better known as styropor causes too much chaos in the nature’s already unbalanced cycle. Reckless burning of these plastics in open dumpsites or on backyards emits harmful gas into the atmosphere that when accumulated for a long time would result into a greenhouse effect. Look what had become to the once fresh and clean waters in the rivers, lakes, brooks, bays, and shores. They are now filled with filthy muck and polluted household cesspools and gross open drainage that flow into the rivers. Whenever there is rain, garbage floats on street ducts and clog the drainage that resulted into flood. Floodwaters frantically inconvenience everybody adding to the gloom of the world that calamities may occur any moment that would endanger people’s lives. Is this the reward we wanted in exchange for industrial revolution? Now what can we do to lessen these drastic environmental changes? We, of all the earth’s species would be most affected by these conditions. Nowadays, climatic changes has been evidently felt with those alarming fall of snow on deserts, those cold northeast monsoon wind blows to tropical regions, those ravaging tsunamis and unexpected eruptions on the earth’s surface, the incessant flooding and landslides all over the regions even with just moderate rainfalls has greatly proven that such changes in nature has warned us that the natural balance has been tipped to an alarming degree. When do we start to care? When do we begin to take notice that our only world is dying because of our grave mistreatment and rabid negligence. Over the century, human lifespan has greatly declined and incurable diseases break the surface with a frightening reality that nothing can be done to treat this curse-like human infirmities. The world has been cloaked with different illness and myriad diseases that causes high mortality rate to humankind. Cancer, tuberculosis, hepatitis, AIDS, E-bola virus, boils, SARS, H1N1 and God knows what are the next worst plagues that could devastate humankind with dirty mutation caused by these extreme imbalances in nature. Are we going to let this special planet die? Are we not going to try to save mother Earth from absolute destruction and preserve mankind? I love this wonderful planet so much and I will start my campaign in saving this world at this very moment. May those who are concerned about our world would start caring by doing simple things like taking care of household garbage, by minimizing the use of electricity to lessen too much release of heat energy, by thinking twice on dumping dirt on rivers, oceans and beaches, by tightening the laws in deforestation, and by urging each and everyone to start caring for our world, for our own lives and for the promise to the next generation that they will still inherit a peaceful and wonderful world when their turn to see the beauty of this planet comes.

The Role of Culture in Conflict Resolution

The Role of Culture in Conflict Resolution CASE OF DAGBON IN GHANA The inter-relativity and connectivity of human endeavor has made conflict something unavoidable as it has come to eventually be part of the normal routine of human social interaction. Ethnic conflicts and civil wars continue to plague many African countries especially in the last two decades. There are growing concerns about the impacts of these conflicts on sub-regional and regional stability as well as security, with adverse implications on economic growth, environment and development. The impacts of these conflicts have been severest on the vulnerable groups such as the aged, women and children reversing many development efforts in conflict zones (John Kusimi; Julius Fobil; Raymond Atuguba; Isabella Erawoc; Franklin Oduro Abstract: Conflicts in Northern Ghana a Mirror of Answers to Sub-Regional Stability and Security Questions). Conflict has both a colloquial meaning and a discouragingly long list of specific definitions. The list includes four rather different usages if the term: (1) antecedent conditions to some overt struggle (2) affective states (tension or hostility) (3) cognitive states (for example the perception that some other person or entity acts against ones interest and (4) conflictful behavior, verbal or non verbal ranging from passive resistance to active aggression. According to Wiktionary, conflict is an incompatibility of two things that cannot be simultaneously fulfilled. In simple terms conflict denotes a situation when two or more organizations or persons are in a contradiction between them.. Conflict is more expansive than normally perceived. The conflict is a contradiction, a war, maybe a competition exist but the real conflict condition is more greatest way to express violence, and where this take place and violence take effect, it generate more and more conflicts. Culture (from the Latin cultura stemming from colere, meaning â€Å"to cultivate†) is a term that has different meanings. For example, in 1952, Alfred Kroeber and Clyde Kluckhohn compiled a list of 164 definitions of â€Å"culture† in Culture: a Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions. However, the word â€Å"culture† is most commonly used in three basic senses: Excellence of taste in the fine arts and humanities, also known as high culture An integrated pattern of human knowledge, belief, and behavior that depends upon the capacity for symbolic thought and social learning The set of shared attitudes, values, goals, and practices that characterizes an institution, organization or group (Harper, Douglas (2001). Online Etymology Dictionary and Kroeber, A. L. and C. Kluckhohn, (1952). Culture: A Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions) When the concept first emerged in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Europe, it connoted a process of cultivation or improvement, as in agriculture or horticulture. In the nineteenth century, it came to refer first to the betterment or refinement of the individual, especially through education, and then to the fulfillment of national aspirations or ideals. In the mid-nineteenth century, some scientists used the term â€Å"culture† to refer to a universal human capacity (C. Kluckhohn, (1952). Culture: A Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions) Although largely ignored as being a key element in the generation of conflicts, culture is an essential part of conflict and conflict resolution (LeBaron, Michelle Conflict and Culture: Research in Five Communities in British Columbia, Canada). Culture, mostly acting within the parameters of a toothless bulldog, it permeate all spheres of the normal daily occurrences and it does so in the least expected ways. It serves as collating avenue which sends us messages that shape our perceptions, attributions, judgments, and ideas of self and other. Cultures are powerful, they are often unconscious, influencing conflict and attempts to resolve conflict in imperceptible ways. For the single individual, cultures are a shifting, dynamic set of starting points that orient us in particular way and away from other directions. Each of us belongs to multiple cultures that give us messages about what is normal, appropriate, and expected. When others do not meet our expectations, it is often a cue that our cultural expectations are different and thought or projected as un-respected. We may mistake differences between others and us for evidence of bad faith or lack of common sense on the part of others, not realizing that common sense is not cultural. What is common to one group may seem strange, counter intuitive, or wrong to another. In the dividing circles of two groups, culture projects a huge sense of uniqueness; something most individuals would prefer to die for than to witness it degraded by the opposing group. Whether a conflict exists at all is a cultural question, and by way of mutual illustration and interconnection between culture and conflict; cultures are embedded in almost every conflict because conflicts arise in human relationships. Cultures affect the ways we name, frame, blame, and attempt to tame conflicts. On the contrary, when any of the above is diverted by one cultural group vis-à  -vis the other, conflicts are the emerging consequences. Most people especially in Africa and other parts of the globe take pride in engaging in activities with a cultural sense than advancing the course of the general good. Conflicts between teenagers and parents are shaped by generational culture, and conflicts between spouses or partners are influenced by gender culture. In organizations, conflicts arising from different disciplinary cultures escalate tensions between co-workers, creating strained or inaccurate communication and stressed relationships. Culture permeates conflict no matter wha t, sometimes pushing forth with intensity, other times quietly snaking along, hardly announcing its presence until surprised people nearly stumble on it. For this reason, this essay seeks to reconcile the role of culture in the Dagbon conflict in Northern Ghana and how these same two connections of conflicts are again intertwined for the purposes of conflict and conflict resolution. The challenge is that, given cultures important role in conflicts, it is given little thought and consideration as it mostly labeled in the unconscious circle of human behavior vis-à  -vis conflicts and some approaches cultural resolution to the management and resolution of the conflict compound this problem because they minimize cultural role and influences in the tensed situation. We will consider the Dagbon conflict in and try to fit it within this frame of neglect. This is because the Dagbon conflict although largely considered ethnic has a huge cultural dimension which goes largely unattended to. Culture is always a factor in conflict, whether it plays a central role or influences it subtly and gently. Geographically and historically, Ghana lies between latitudes 50 and 110N and longitudes 10 and 30E with a landmass of 23.9million hectares. Ghanas estimated total population is 19.5 million (GSS, 2002:1), comprising a vast mosaic of several ethnic groups speaking over hundred local languages. Northern Ghana on which this paper focuses is co-terminus with a vast acreage of land that spans the White Volta, Black Volta and Oti River Basins. The area is divided into three political/ administrative regions comprising the Upper West (18,476km2) and the Upper East(8,842km2) regions bordering Burkina Faso in the extreme northern limits of Ghana and the Northern Region (70,384km2) to the south of Upper East and Upper West. Populations in these areas witness deep poverty levels and low literacy rates, with low school enrolment rate and inadequate health care services. Over 90 percent of the population in this area is engaged in subsistence agriculture and animal rearing (GSS, (2002). Populati on and Housing Census 2000: Summary of Final Results). Therefore, land ownership determines to a large extent, the nature of social and power relations among the ethnic groups inhabiting these three regions and has also been a major source of conflicts among them. The three regions harbor inconceivable heterogeneous groups of people speaking over 30 local dialects. The hidden truth is that, most of these heterogeneous groups have historical connections dating back to the sixteenth century. The sociocultural organization of most of these peoples of the northern belt is patrilineal with a strong tradition of centralized administration under the lordship of a powerful king such as the Mossi-Dagbani Kingdoms. In recent national political discussions, the Mossi-Dagbani groups are referred to as the ‘major tribes in Northern Ghana. However, there are also stateless or acephalous groups such as the Konkomba and the Tallensi. Therefore politically and administratively, there are a lot of historical and present day commonalities. This is what causes and infact possesses the bane of shock when it comes to the issue of conflicts and the most effective tools in dealing or handling them. The past 25years have witnessed a number of destructive ethnic conflicts in Northern Ghana. The very explosive ones are those of 1980 (Konkombas against Nanumbas) and the Guinea Fowl War of 1994 (between the Konkombas on one hand and Nanumbas, Dagombas and Gonjas on the other hand) (Brukum J. N. K, The Pito, Mango and Guinea Fowl Wars: Episodes in the History of Northern Ghana, 1980-1999). In 1980/86 and 2000, Mamprusis and Kusasis went to war in Bawku. Dagombas also fought among themselves; these and more are the most recent (and of which this essay critical look) of these intra-Dagbon clashes were those between the Andani and the Abudu Gates in Yendi, in 2002 (Brukum J. N. K, The Pito, Mango and Guinea Fowl Wars: Episodes in the History of Northern Ghana, 1980-1999). There has been much similar communal violence among the Gonjas and other ethnic groups in the Northern Region of Ghana. A critical assessment of the causes of most of these conflicts can be traced to colonial and post-colonial actions of governments. This certainly is no news as the impedes of colonialism is still being felt in Africa today. Certain actions and in-actions of governments have led to the marginalization, deprivation, exploitation and the exclusion of the ‘minority groups in many decision-making processes and governance issues that affect them. This has led to dissatisfaction among the ‘minority, hence any little dispute between the ‘majority and ‘minority explodes into ethnic conflict. With these analysis deduced, let us now try to envisage how the presence of culture among the people in the northern hemisphere of Ghana is contributing to conflicts among the people using the silent pistol. Culture, as already noted, forms the core around which most individuals normalize their relations with others but this relationship does take a different dimension when one gets the slightest hint of foul play in the unique identification of the other individual. This however differs from ethnocentrism, where people openly act and portray the supposedly uniqueness of their traditional origin and heritage over that of others and to some extent cause others to follow their fray. It is important to state unequivocally that culture has a canny way of taking on the characteristics of ethnocentrism but however does with a gradual pace. Due to the heritagecal and ancestral dimension of culture, conflicts resulting from culture and cultural practices do occur undetected for a very long time. Conflict of this nature sometimes begin from a mere proclaim which is interpreted to downgrade or cast the other sides image into disrepute. At times it start with a poorly resolved dispute (in our case the Andani and the Abudu Gates in Yendi) which forces the youths of the opposing party to rise up in arms against their foes after several years of the poorly settled dispute, which obviously one party wasnt satisfied with. When this happens, all possible gates of negotiations are closed due to the lengthy or at times the generational nature it usually takes to emerge in full scale. Recent political events and expression also mean the relaxation in conflict in one side and subsequent uprising in other with political transitions. In other words, the envisioned premise is ignoring the cultural dimension of conflicts by most Ghanaian governments with the impression that Ghana is the most peaceful nation on earth. Similarly, the lay magistrate often without really solving the dispute to any sides satisfaction ended up taking sides. Culture, with the trait of a silent killer largely goes undetected due the stable political climate Ghana is reputed for but the critical thing that most conflict analysts fail to take into consideration is that conflicts of this nature are intra-tribal rather than taking on the general good or in the form of civil wars, which has stalled the core of most African countrys government setup and social development. In exact terms, a cursory look at all historical conflict on the African region reveals tremendous ethnic and religious inclinations, albeit many of them also have subtle causal relationship with land and resource use, which could be a core of protest of one group against the other. The concept of nationhood/statehood is misplaced in many African nation state building contexts. Nations on the African continent, unconsciously motivated by the great diversity of ethnic groups, continue to trivialize national homogeneity and ethnic unification thus allowing for powerful disaggregated ethnic formations. The inevitable tendency of this phenomenon is that, many national policies by governments tend to be ethnocentric and is some unconscious instances cultural, which create suspicion, rivalry, discontent, mistrust and enmity among different ethnic groups or even within the same group of people as is the case in northern Ghana, resulting in ethnic conflicts and civil wars in extreme cases. In the case under discussion, most analysts in conflict prevention turn to focus solely on the tribal or ethnic sentiments forgetting that there cultural influences even on professional judgments vis-à  -vis the heated situation and culture prevent people from giving accurate feedback. Causes of conflict in northern Ghana. The Dagbon chieftaincy dispute is a good example of the passions that chieftaincy issues can inflame in Ghana, and of the extent to which these matters have become politicised. In the Dagbon case, a traditional matter has become the main subject of local politics as well as an issue of national politics. The Dagomba people or Dagbamba as they call themselves, constitute the single largest ethnic group in Northern Ghana. They speak the Dagbani language, a subgroup of the Mole-Dagbani family of languages, which belongs to the much larger Gur with starting the Dagbon migrations from Mali to what is now the Upper East Region of Ghana. Here he married Sihisabigu, the daughter of a Tindana in a place known as Bion, and eventually replaced the Tindana after assassinating him. Kpagunimbu and Sihisabigu had twin sons called Nyamzisheli and Nyarigili, who are believed to be the ancestors of the Talinsi and Nabdam ethnic groups of the Upper East Region. Following his exploits as a warrior, the King of Grumah, Abudu Rahamani married off his daughter, Suhuyini, to Kpagunimbu. Suhuyini gave birth to Gbewaa, two of whose sons Tohugu and Sitobu founded the Mamprugu and Dagbon kingdoms respectively. Sitobus son, Nyagsi, who reigned between 1416 and 1432, expanded the Dagbon kingdom through wars against aboriginal peoples throughout what is now present-day Dagbon. Thus the Dagbamba came to the area they now occupy as conquerors and established the traditional state of Dagbon, bringing with them the institution of chieftaincy, which had not been found among the original inhabitants. The Dagbon capital is Yendi where the King, whose title is Ya Na, resides. The Dagbamba are strongly attached to the institution of chieftaincy, which partly accounts for the intensity with which conflicts over chieftaincy are carried out. Conflicts tend to revolve around questions of succession, since the rules for succession tend to be rather flexible and allow for a number of candidates. Part of the current dispute (known variously as the Dagbon conflict or the Yendi chieftaincy affairs) hinges on whether or not it is a rule of tradition that succession to the throne should alternate between two rival sections of the royal family. These two sections originated in the late nineteenth century, following the death of Ya Na Yakubu who was succeeded first by his son Abudulai and then by another son Andani. Since the death of Andani in 1899, there has been in some measure an alternation between descendants of the two brothers, and the extent to which this rotation constitutes another rule for determining the succession remains unsettled. In addition to the question of rotation between the two families, there is also disagreement over who has the right to select a successor, and over which particular act in the installation ceremony makes one a Ya Na. Formally, the selection of a successor rested in the hands of four kingmakers. In 1948, the membership of the kingmakers was expanded to eleven with the addition of seven divisional chiefs to form a selection committee. The legitimacy of the Committee, which probably represented a final attempt by the British to codify the rules and procedures of succession to the Yendi skin, has been in dispute. In the 1940s, the educated elite of Dagbon most of whom were from its royal families played a major role in the setting up of the controversial selection committee. The institution of the selection committee coincided with the era of active pre-independence politics, and the pioneer-educated elite was poised to exploit the situation. Having a king who was more amenable to their political ambitions was of vital importance to them. By 1954, there were complaints that the committee system was adopted to protect the interest of the Abudulai family and ultimately eliminate the Andani family from the contest (Sibidow, 1970). One major source of conflict in modern times is the tradition that â€Å"you do not destool a Ya Na†. In former times, a Ya Na who proved unacceptable was simply killed. As this is no longer a practical alternative, once installed a Ya Na cannot be destooled even if he is found to have violated customs. Thus Dagbon custom as a whole is ambiguous on this point if not outright contradictory (Ladouceur, 1972). Such an implicit ambiguity facilitates the intervention of an outside power to settle outstanding disagreements as to the correct interpretation of tradition. It also serves not only to foment disputes but also to sustain them. Another source of the Dagbon conflict is intergenerational in nature. Intergenerational conflict arises because of the exclusion from succession of the senior sons of a king by his junior brothers. Conversely, the junior brothers in the older generation could find themselves excluded by the sons of their senior brother. According to Ferguson et al. (1970), the critical nature of exclusion is apparent. By virtue of the Dagbon rule that no son may assume a higher rank in society than his father, a candidates failure to attain office carries with it the implication that none of his descendants may ever aspire to it. Intergenerational conflict appears then to be a structural feature for succession to higher office in Dagbon. There is, however, probably a contingent association between such conflicts and the polarization between rival factions that is also a characteristic feature of the conflict. The candidates from the senior generation may tend to attract the support of the more conser vative factions and those from the junior generation, that of the more radical. The Dagbon conflict gradually spilled over into the national political arena over the years as each side mustered what forces it could with politicians taking an increasing interest in this and other chieftaincy disputes. Each side in the Dagbon dispute has articulate well-educated spokesmen and, since 1954, prominent national political figures as well. It was largely through their activities that the dispute became a political issue shortly after independence. On the Abudu side was Alhaji Yakubu Tali, Tolon Na, while the Andani side had J.H. Alhassan. Both men had become prominent figures in both Dagbon affairs and in the emerging modern political system in the early 1950s. Both were elected to the Gold Coast Legislative Assembly in 1951 and to Parliament in 1954, the former on the opposition regional NPP ticket and the latter to the governing CPP.11 If politicians can make use of their power base in the modern political system to interfere in traditional affairs, some traditional rulers are also quite capable of seizing opportunities presented by national politics to consolidate their own positions. Ya Na Abudulai III, sensing that he might be destooled, withdrew his support for the opposition and together with his followers, including Alhaji Yakubu Tali, joined the then ruling party, the CPP, en bloc in 1958. Political interference in the Dagbon conflict continued with changes in government. The overthrow of the Kwame Nkrumah government in 1966 marked radical changes in official ideology and priorities. In general terms, the policy of the National Liberation Council (NLC), the military regime, in traditional matters was to restore chieftaincy to its former position and reduce government interference. However, chieftaincy affairs took on an added importance in post-coup Ghana and government interference increased instead of dimi nishing. In the case of the Yendi dispute, government interference was taken to new heights when in September 1969, the selection and enskinment of Ya Na Andani III was declared null and void by the NLC government. It was felt that a factor in this decision that had objectively benefited the Abudulai family was the presence of B. A. Yakubu, a family supporter, in the NLC government. Thus the murder of Ya Na Yakubu Andani II in March 2002 took place during a time when the NPP government, successor to Prime Minister K. A. Busias party which succeeded the NLC, was in power was seen as significant. It succeeded in evoking memories of the killings in the Gbewaa palace in 1969. Zamfara state of the early Hausa kingdom. Drum history9, however, traces the origin of the Dagbon kingdom to ancient Mali whose king had been so impressed with the exploits of Toha-zhie, a wandering hunter, that he recruited him into his service. Toha-Zhie eventually married one of the daughters of the King of Mali called Paga-wobga, who bore him a son Kpagunimbu. Kpagunimbu is credited In trying to capture the role of culture in conflict especially in the Ghanaian context, it becomes imperative to trace the root cause of the conflict, taking a cue from the cultural dimension and gradually interpreting it in the resolution process. The idea is that, conflict no matter the ferocity, scholarship must seek to stop it occurrence owing to it unenviable consequence on the larger populace. Thus there are two principal lines being the prime movers behind the culture-led conflicts among the northern hemisphere of Ghana. The first of such, which has been partially discussed on the geographical notations in starting this conflict, is without doubt actions of earliest colonial governments. Many ethnic groups in Northern Ghana hitherto the introduction of indirect rule in Ghana in 1932 peacefully co-existed. The indirect rule system of administration introduced in 1932 by the colonial governors (Britain) vested political and administrative powers in the hands of some selected chiefs who had better organized systems of traditional administration (the chiefly people, i.e. Dagomba, Nanumba, Gonja etc.). For instance, the Ya-Na of East-Dagbon was given traditional cum administrative authority over the Konkomba and Chokosi who is quite culturally different ethnic from the Dagomba. The north-eastern Province (present day Upper East) was constituted into the Mamprugu Kingdom with f ive sub-divisions as Mamprugu, Kusasi, Frafra, Gurensi and Builsa all under the Lordship of the Nayiri as the paramount chief of Mamprusi. Similarly, the Nawuri, Nchumuru, Mo and Vagala were put under the Yagbonwurura of Gonja kingdom. This administrative initiative was implemented by Chief Commissioner Armitage. This was done for political and administrative expediency because the colonial administration at the time did not have sufficient logistics and personnel to govern the entire colony, especially the protected territories in Northern Ghana. Subsequently, there was the introduction of local police called â€Å"Nana Kana†, who constituted tribunals and for the collection of taxes and tried general cases except criminal ones. This enhanced the loyalty of the stateless ethnic groups to the paramount chiefs. The creation of the National Territorial Council (NTC) in 1938 for chiefs further increased the administrative authority of these chiefs. According to colonial writers such as Blair, Rattray, Tait, Cardinalland Manoukian, although the colonial administration imposed chiefs for administrative purposes, the acephalous people never accepted them, thus, they were never ‘ruled by the chiefly peoples, but were only raided periodically. The chiefly groups extorted monies from the stateless groups as fines, especially through the chiefly court system. The implication of these developments are that, with time emotional sentiments and passions are brought to bear with general official arrangements which gradually leads one side to call for changes. If the call is not heeded by the authorities involved, one side feels cheated and with the lapse of time lead to ethnic based but largely culture oriented conflict. According to Tait, Dagomba ‘rule was limited to sporadic raids to obtain slaves needed for the annual tribute to the Ashanti. From time to time, local tax collectors were sent to Konkomba territory to collect foodstuff such as millet, sorghum, yam, and maize, which was sold in the markets to raise money for the local chief. In 1950, some Konkombas were stopped by Dagombas on their way to Yendi market and their head-loads of new yam taken (which was valued at  £18), and in the same year when the Ya Na was fined in the District Commissioners court, two lorry loads of sorghum were collected in Saboba region alone on the grounds that, ‘The European says that it has got to be paid. Also according to Skalnik (1983 in Katanga,1994, pp21), Konkomba marriage disputes accounted for a large source of income for the court of the Bimbilla-Naa. Thus it became very rare for a Konkomba to appeal to the District Commissioner on cases of injustices, though instances of this sort of extor tion were frequent. Similarly, the lay magistrate often without really solving the dispute to any sides satisfaction took bribes from both parties. The cumulative effect of this was total allegiance of these non-chiefly tribes to the chiefly groups. The Konkombas for instance were compelled to give some days as free labor annually in the farms of Nanumba/Dagombas chiefs and the compulsory donation of a hind leg of any big animal killed wild or domesticated to Nanumba chiefs. Probably the most unfair of these injustices was that, Konkombas were not allowed to settle even petty quarrels among themselves including matrimonial ones, even as late as the 20th century. These conditions compelled Konkombas to request for their own tribunal under Ali, an ex-soldier, domiciled in Bimbilla, to settle petty disputes particularly marriage cases. This proposal was vehemently rejected and attempts were made to eject Ali from Bimbilla, culminating into a heated atmosphere (Brukum, 1999:11-12). Another crucial notation is post colonial government arrangements both internal and external in Ghanas northern region. Several uncharacteristic and unscrupulous actions of post-colonial governments saw a further deterioration in the social friction between the chiefly and non-chiefly ethnic groups which were largely operated by land administration policies. All lands in Northern Ghana were protected and were under the custody ownership of the Tendaanas (Earth-shrine Priest) and not chiefs. The chief (Na or Ubor) in the north wielded only political power. The Tendaana was the highest office held by the autochthonous tribes, and consisted legitimate ownership of the land which even extended over chiefs. The Na/Ubor never dared to arrogate to himself, the duties of the Tendaana. Infact, the Na/Ubor humbled himself before him and appeared disguised as poor when occasions arose for him to visit the Tendaana. This is because the Tendaana not only owned the land, but he is the only person known to the spirit of the land. Hence it was the Tendaana that had the right to give out lands. It was believed that, the Chief did not grant farming lands to individuals. He is considered not to have any right over farms. Tindaamba (another name for Tendaana) still have power over chiefs and are feared. During this era, land was not a scarce resource and according to Goody under such conditions neither individuals nor kin groups bother to lay specific claims to large tracts of territory, since land is virtually a free good (Katanga, 1994:21). Land ownership in northern Ghana came under the custody of chiefs in 1978 during the Acheampong regime when a law was passed vesting all northern lands into the hands of selected ethnic groups chiefs (notice the connection of the emergence of the intra-ethnic conflict between the Abudu and Andani Gates which will take several years to assume full scale) and left out most other groups. The criteria for vesting the lands in the hands of these few chiefs were based on the recommendations of Alhassan Report of 1978, which were backed by the Minister for Lands and Mineral Resources, both Dagombas (another watchful area, dealing with cultures involvement in conflict). Indeed the Alhassan Committees Report twisted the truth about the land tenure arrangements in Northern Ghana in favor of the chiefs and his tribesmen and the other chiefly people. These reforms in Northern Ghana Land administration were implemented by the then Government to solicit for political support from the Northern Chie fs for the UNIGOV System (Unity Government). With the failure of the Acheampong government however, these legislations were abrogated as the reins of government was overtaken by another military regime. The ceasure of the reins of government and the subsequent decree rule reversed this trend of land principles laid down by the previous administration and has ever since been the bane of confrontation between brothers in the different sides of the same group as is the case of the Dagbon conflict. The Konkomba Youth Association (KOYA) contested the Alhassan Report and has repeatedly pointed out that, the report has been the root cause of the three major ethnic conflicts and twenty minor ones between the chiefdoms. The jejune with these quack legislations is that they turn to outlive their significance with the transition of government, something that is purely not in the interest of the rural Ghanaian. There is no one-size-fits-all approach to conflict resolution, since culture is always a factor. Cultural fluency is therefore a core competency for those who intervene in conflicts or simply want to function more effectively in their own lives and situations. Cultural fluency involves recognizing and acting respectfully from the knowledge that communication, ways of naming, framing, and taming conflict, approaches to meaning-making, and identities and roles vary across cultures. In retrospect, culture as a key factor in conflict generation and orientation it that of a silent creeper. The kind that is in no way given premise by conflict analysts as being the prime cause in conflict situations. In the other words, the largel The Role of Culture in Conflict Resolution The Role of Culture in Conflict Resolution CASE OF DAGBON IN GHANA The inter-relativity and connectivity of human endeavor has made conflict something unavoidable as it has come to eventually be part of the normal routine of human social interaction. Ethnic conflicts and civil wars continue to plague many African countries especially in the last two decades. There are growing concerns about the impacts of these conflicts on sub-regional and regional stability as well as security, with adverse implications on economic growth, environment and development. The impacts of these conflicts have been severest on the vulnerable groups such as the aged, women and children reversing many development efforts in conflict zones (John Kusimi; Julius Fobil; Raymond Atuguba; Isabella Erawoc; Franklin Oduro Abstract: Conflicts in Northern Ghana a Mirror of Answers to Sub-Regional Stability and Security Questions). Conflict has both a colloquial meaning and a discouragingly long list of specific definitions. The list includes four rather different usages if the term: (1) antecedent conditions to some overt struggle (2) affective states (tension or hostility) (3) cognitive states (for example the perception that some other person or entity acts against ones interest and (4) conflictful behavior, verbal or non verbal ranging from passive resistance to active aggression. According to Wiktionary, conflict is an incompatibility of two things that cannot be simultaneously fulfilled. In simple terms conflict denotes a situation when two or more organizations or persons are in a contradiction between them.. Conflict is more expansive than normally perceived. The conflict is a contradiction, a war, maybe a competition exist but the real conflict condition is more greatest way to express violence, and where this take place and violence take effect, it generate more and more conflicts. Culture (from the Latin cultura stemming from colere, meaning â€Å"to cultivate†) is a term that has different meanings. For example, in 1952, Alfred Kroeber and Clyde Kluckhohn compiled a list of 164 definitions of â€Å"culture† in Culture: a Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions. However, the word â€Å"culture† is most commonly used in three basic senses: Excellence of taste in the fine arts and humanities, also known as high culture An integrated pattern of human knowledge, belief, and behavior that depends upon the capacity for symbolic thought and social learning The set of shared attitudes, values, goals, and practices that characterizes an institution, organization or group (Harper, Douglas (2001). Online Etymology Dictionary and Kroeber, A. L. and C. Kluckhohn, (1952). Culture: A Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions) When the concept first emerged in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Europe, it connoted a process of cultivation or improvement, as in agriculture or horticulture. In the nineteenth century, it came to refer first to the betterment or refinement of the individual, especially through education, and then to the fulfillment of national aspirations or ideals. In the mid-nineteenth century, some scientists used the term â€Å"culture† to refer to a universal human capacity (C. Kluckhohn, (1952). Culture: A Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions) Although largely ignored as being a key element in the generation of conflicts, culture is an essential part of conflict and conflict resolution (LeBaron, Michelle Conflict and Culture: Research in Five Communities in British Columbia, Canada). Culture, mostly acting within the parameters of a toothless bulldog, it permeate all spheres of the normal daily occurrences and it does so in the least expected ways. It serves as collating avenue which sends us messages that shape our perceptions, attributions, judgments, and ideas of self and other. Cultures are powerful, they are often unconscious, influencing conflict and attempts to resolve conflict in imperceptible ways. For the single individual, cultures are a shifting, dynamic set of starting points that orient us in particular way and away from other directions. Each of us belongs to multiple cultures that give us messages about what is normal, appropriate, and expected. When others do not meet our expectations, it is often a cue that our cultural expectations are different and thought or projected as un-respected. We may mistake differences between others and us for evidence of bad faith or lack of common sense on the part of others, not realizing that common sense is not cultural. What is common to one group may seem strange, counter intuitive, or wrong to another. In the dividing circles of two groups, culture projects a huge sense of uniqueness; something most individuals would prefer to die for than to witness it degraded by the opposing group. Whether a conflict exists at all is a cultural question, and by way of mutual illustration and interconnection between culture and conflict; cultures are embedded in almost every conflict because conflicts arise in human relationships. Cultures affect the ways we name, frame, blame, and attempt to tame conflicts. On the contrary, when any of the above is diverted by one cultural group vis-à  -vis the other, conflicts are the emerging consequences. Most people especially in Africa and other parts of the globe take pride in engaging in activities with a cultural sense than advancing the course of the general good. Conflicts between teenagers and parents are shaped by generational culture, and conflicts between spouses or partners are influenced by gender culture. In organizations, conflicts arising from different disciplinary cultures escalate tensions between co-workers, creating strained or inaccurate communication and stressed relationships. Culture permeates conflict no matter wha t, sometimes pushing forth with intensity, other times quietly snaking along, hardly announcing its presence until surprised people nearly stumble on it. For this reason, this essay seeks to reconcile the role of culture in the Dagbon conflict in Northern Ghana and how these same two connections of conflicts are again intertwined for the purposes of conflict and conflict resolution. The challenge is that, given cultures important role in conflicts, it is given little thought and consideration as it mostly labeled in the unconscious circle of human behavior vis-à  -vis conflicts and some approaches cultural resolution to the management and resolution of the conflict compound this problem because they minimize cultural role and influences in the tensed situation. We will consider the Dagbon conflict in and try to fit it within this frame of neglect. This is because the Dagbon conflict although largely considered ethnic has a huge cultural dimension which goes largely unattended to. Culture is always a factor in conflict, whether it plays a central role or influences it subtly and gently. Geographically and historically, Ghana lies between latitudes 50 and 110N and longitudes 10 and 30E with a landmass of 23.9million hectares. Ghanas estimated total population is 19.5 million (GSS, 2002:1), comprising a vast mosaic of several ethnic groups speaking over hundred local languages. Northern Ghana on which this paper focuses is co-terminus with a vast acreage of land that spans the White Volta, Black Volta and Oti River Basins. The area is divided into three political/ administrative regions comprising the Upper West (18,476km2) and the Upper East(8,842km2) regions bordering Burkina Faso in the extreme northern limits of Ghana and the Northern Region (70,384km2) to the south of Upper East and Upper West. Populations in these areas witness deep poverty levels and low literacy rates, with low school enrolment rate and inadequate health care services. Over 90 percent of the population in this area is engaged in subsistence agriculture and animal rearing (GSS, (2002). Populati on and Housing Census 2000: Summary of Final Results). Therefore, land ownership determines to a large extent, the nature of social and power relations among the ethnic groups inhabiting these three regions and has also been a major source of conflicts among them. The three regions harbor inconceivable heterogeneous groups of people speaking over 30 local dialects. The hidden truth is that, most of these heterogeneous groups have historical connections dating back to the sixteenth century. The sociocultural organization of most of these peoples of the northern belt is patrilineal with a strong tradition of centralized administration under the lordship of a powerful king such as the Mossi-Dagbani Kingdoms. In recent national political discussions, the Mossi-Dagbani groups are referred to as the ‘major tribes in Northern Ghana. However, there are also stateless or acephalous groups such as the Konkomba and the Tallensi. Therefore politically and administratively, there are a lot of historical and present day commonalities. This is what causes and infact possesses the bane of shock when it comes to the issue of conflicts and the most effective tools in dealing or handling them. The past 25years have witnessed a number of destructive ethnic conflicts in Northern Ghana. The very explosive ones are those of 1980 (Konkombas against Nanumbas) and the Guinea Fowl War of 1994 (between the Konkombas on one hand and Nanumbas, Dagombas and Gonjas on the other hand) (Brukum J. N. K, The Pito, Mango and Guinea Fowl Wars: Episodes in the History of Northern Ghana, 1980-1999). In 1980/86 and 2000, Mamprusis and Kusasis went to war in Bawku. Dagombas also fought among themselves; these and more are the most recent (and of which this essay critical look) of these intra-Dagbon clashes were those between the Andani and the Abudu Gates in Yendi, in 2002 (Brukum J. N. K, The Pito, Mango and Guinea Fowl Wars: Episodes in the History of Northern Ghana, 1980-1999). There has been much similar communal violence among the Gonjas and other ethnic groups in the Northern Region of Ghana. A critical assessment of the causes of most of these conflicts can be traced to colonial and post-colonial actions of governments. This certainly is no news as the impedes of colonialism is still being felt in Africa today. Certain actions and in-actions of governments have led to the marginalization, deprivation, exploitation and the exclusion of the ‘minority groups in many decision-making processes and governance issues that affect them. This has led to dissatisfaction among the ‘minority, hence any little dispute between the ‘majority and ‘minority explodes into ethnic conflict. With these analysis deduced, let us now try to envisage how the presence of culture among the people in the northern hemisphere of Ghana is contributing to conflicts among the people using the silent pistol. Culture, as already noted, forms the core around which most individuals normalize their relations with others but this relationship does take a different dimension when one gets the slightest hint of foul play in the unique identification of the other individual. This however differs from ethnocentrism, where people openly act and portray the supposedly uniqueness of their traditional origin and heritage over that of others and to some extent cause others to follow their fray. It is important to state unequivocally that culture has a canny way of taking on the characteristics of ethnocentrism but however does with a gradual pace. Due to the heritagecal and ancestral dimension of culture, conflicts resulting from culture and cultural practices do occur undetected for a very long time. Conflict of this nature sometimes begin from a mere proclaim which is interpreted to downgrade or cast the other sides image into disrepute. At times it start with a poorly resolved dispute (in our case the Andani and the Abudu Gates in Yendi) which forces the youths of the opposing party to rise up in arms against their foes after several years of the poorly settled dispute, which obviously one party wasnt satisfied with. When this happens, all possible gates of negotiations are closed due to the lengthy or at times the generational nature it usually takes to emerge in full scale. Recent political events and expression also mean the relaxation in conflict in one side and subsequent uprising in other with political transitions. In other words, the envisioned premise is ignoring the cultural dimension of conflicts by most Ghanaian governments with the impression that Ghana is the most peaceful nation on earth. Similarly, the lay magistrate often without really solving the dispute to any sides satisfaction ended up taking sides. Culture, with the trait of a silent killer largely goes undetected due the stable political climate Ghana is reputed for but the critical thing that most conflict analysts fail to take into consideration is that conflicts of this nature are intra-tribal rather than taking on the general good or in the form of civil wars, which has stalled the core of most African countrys government setup and social development. In exact terms, a cursory look at all historical conflict on the African region reveals tremendous ethnic and religious inclinations, albeit many of them also have subtle causal relationship with land and resource use, which could be a core of protest of one group against the other. The concept of nationhood/statehood is misplaced in many African nation state building contexts. Nations on the African continent, unconsciously motivated by the great diversity of ethnic groups, continue to trivialize national homogeneity and ethnic unification thus allowing for powerful disaggregated ethnic formations. The inevitable tendency of this phenomenon is that, many national policies by governments tend to be ethnocentric and is some unconscious instances cultural, which create suspicion, rivalry, discontent, mistrust and enmity among different ethnic groups or even within the same group of people as is the case in northern Ghana, resulting in ethnic conflicts and civil wars in extreme cases. In the case under discussion, most analysts in conflict prevention turn to focus solely on the tribal or ethnic sentiments forgetting that there cultural influences even on professional judgments vis-à  -vis the heated situation and culture prevent people from giving accurate feedback. Causes of conflict in northern Ghana. The Dagbon chieftaincy dispute is a good example of the passions that chieftaincy issues can inflame in Ghana, and of the extent to which these matters have become politicised. In the Dagbon case, a traditional matter has become the main subject of local politics as well as an issue of national politics. The Dagomba people or Dagbamba as they call themselves, constitute the single largest ethnic group in Northern Ghana. They speak the Dagbani language, a subgroup of the Mole-Dagbani family of languages, which belongs to the much larger Gur with starting the Dagbon migrations from Mali to what is now the Upper East Region of Ghana. Here he married Sihisabigu, the daughter of a Tindana in a place known as Bion, and eventually replaced the Tindana after assassinating him. Kpagunimbu and Sihisabigu had twin sons called Nyamzisheli and Nyarigili, who are believed to be the ancestors of the Talinsi and Nabdam ethnic groups of the Upper East Region. Following his exploits as a warrior, the King of Grumah, Abudu Rahamani married off his daughter, Suhuyini, to Kpagunimbu. Suhuyini gave birth to Gbewaa, two of whose sons Tohugu and Sitobu founded the Mamprugu and Dagbon kingdoms respectively. Sitobus son, Nyagsi, who reigned between 1416 and 1432, expanded the Dagbon kingdom through wars against aboriginal peoples throughout what is now present-day Dagbon. Thus the Dagbamba came to the area they now occupy as conquerors and established the traditional state of Dagbon, bringing with them the institution of chieftaincy, which had not been found among the original inhabitants. The Dagbon capital is Yendi where the King, whose title is Ya Na, resides. The Dagbamba are strongly attached to the institution of chieftaincy, which partly accounts for the intensity with which conflicts over chieftaincy are carried out. Conflicts tend to revolve around questions of succession, since the rules for succession tend to be rather flexible and allow for a number of candidates. Part of the current dispute (known variously as the Dagbon conflict or the Yendi chieftaincy affairs) hinges on whether or not it is a rule of tradition that succession to the throne should alternate between two rival sections of the royal family. These two sections originated in the late nineteenth century, following the death of Ya Na Yakubu who was succeeded first by his son Abudulai and then by another son Andani. Since the death of Andani in 1899, there has been in some measure an alternation between descendants of the two brothers, and the extent to which this rotation constitutes another rule for determining the succession remains unsettled. In addition to the question of rotation between the two families, there is also disagreement over who has the right to select a successor, and over which particular act in the installation ceremony makes one a Ya Na. Formally, the selection of a successor rested in the hands of four kingmakers. In 1948, the membership of the kingmakers was expanded to eleven with the addition of seven divisional chiefs to form a selection committee. The legitimacy of the Committee, which probably represented a final attempt by the British to codify the rules and procedures of succession to the Yendi skin, has been in dispute. In the 1940s, the educated elite of Dagbon most of whom were from its royal families played a major role in the setting up of the controversial selection committee. The institution of the selection committee coincided with the era of active pre-independence politics, and the pioneer-educated elite was poised to exploit the situation. Having a king who was more amenable to their political ambitions was of vital importance to them. By 1954, there were complaints that the committee system was adopted to protect the interest of the Abudulai family and ultimately eliminate the Andani family from the contest (Sibidow, 1970). One major source of conflict in modern times is the tradition that â€Å"you do not destool a Ya Na†. In former times, a Ya Na who proved unacceptable was simply killed. As this is no longer a practical alternative, once installed a Ya Na cannot be destooled even if he is found to have violated customs. Thus Dagbon custom as a whole is ambiguous on this point if not outright contradictory (Ladouceur, 1972). Such an implicit ambiguity facilitates the intervention of an outside power to settle outstanding disagreements as to the correct interpretation of tradition. It also serves not only to foment disputes but also to sustain them. Another source of the Dagbon conflict is intergenerational in nature. Intergenerational conflict arises because of the exclusion from succession of the senior sons of a king by his junior brothers. Conversely, the junior brothers in the older generation could find themselves excluded by the sons of their senior brother. According to Ferguson et al. (1970), the critical nature of exclusion is apparent. By virtue of the Dagbon rule that no son may assume a higher rank in society than his father, a candidates failure to attain office carries with it the implication that none of his descendants may ever aspire to it. Intergenerational conflict appears then to be a structural feature for succession to higher office in Dagbon. There is, however, probably a contingent association between such conflicts and the polarization between rival factions that is also a characteristic feature of the conflict. The candidates from the senior generation may tend to attract the support of the more conser vative factions and those from the junior generation, that of the more radical. The Dagbon conflict gradually spilled over into the national political arena over the years as each side mustered what forces it could with politicians taking an increasing interest in this and other chieftaincy disputes. Each side in the Dagbon dispute has articulate well-educated spokesmen and, since 1954, prominent national political figures as well. It was largely through their activities that the dispute became a political issue shortly after independence. On the Abudu side was Alhaji Yakubu Tali, Tolon Na, while the Andani side had J.H. Alhassan. Both men had become prominent figures in both Dagbon affairs and in the emerging modern political system in the early 1950s. Both were elected to the Gold Coast Legislative Assembly in 1951 and to Parliament in 1954, the former on the opposition regional NPP ticket and the latter to the governing CPP.11 If politicians can make use of their power base in the modern political system to interfere in traditional affairs, some traditional rulers are also quite capable of seizing opportunities presented by national politics to consolidate their own positions. Ya Na Abudulai III, sensing that he might be destooled, withdrew his support for the opposition and together with his followers, including Alhaji Yakubu Tali, joined the then ruling party, the CPP, en bloc in 1958. Political interference in the Dagbon conflict continued with changes in government. The overthrow of the Kwame Nkrumah government in 1966 marked radical changes in official ideology and priorities. In general terms, the policy of the National Liberation Council (NLC), the military regime, in traditional matters was to restore chieftaincy to its former position and reduce government interference. However, chieftaincy affairs took on an added importance in post-coup Ghana and government interference increased instead of dimi nishing. In the case of the Yendi dispute, government interference was taken to new heights when in September 1969, the selection and enskinment of Ya Na Andani III was declared null and void by the NLC government. It was felt that a factor in this decision that had objectively benefited the Abudulai family was the presence of B. A. Yakubu, a family supporter, in the NLC government. Thus the murder of Ya Na Yakubu Andani II in March 2002 took place during a time when the NPP government, successor to Prime Minister K. A. Busias party which succeeded the NLC, was in power was seen as significant. It succeeded in evoking memories of the killings in the Gbewaa palace in 1969. Zamfara state of the early Hausa kingdom. Drum history9, however, traces the origin of the Dagbon kingdom to ancient Mali whose king had been so impressed with the exploits of Toha-zhie, a wandering hunter, that he recruited him into his service. Toha-Zhie eventually married one of the daughters of the King of Mali called Paga-wobga, who bore him a son Kpagunimbu. Kpagunimbu is credited In trying to capture the role of culture in conflict especially in the Ghanaian context, it becomes imperative to trace the root cause of the conflict, taking a cue from the cultural dimension and gradually interpreting it in the resolution process. The idea is that, conflict no matter the ferocity, scholarship must seek to stop it occurrence owing to it unenviable consequence on the larger populace. Thus there are two principal lines being the prime movers behind the culture-led conflicts among the northern hemisphere of Ghana. The first of such, which has been partially discussed on the geographical notations in starting this conflict, is without doubt actions of earliest colonial governments. Many ethnic groups in Northern Ghana hitherto the introduction of indirect rule in Ghana in 1932 peacefully co-existed. The indirect rule system of administration introduced in 1932 by the colonial governors (Britain) vested political and administrative powers in the hands of some selected chiefs who had better organized systems of traditional administration (the chiefly people, i.e. Dagomba, Nanumba, Gonja etc.). For instance, the Ya-Na of East-Dagbon was given traditional cum administrative authority over the Konkomba and Chokosi who is quite culturally different ethnic from the Dagomba. The north-eastern Province (present day Upper East) was constituted into the Mamprugu Kingdom with f ive sub-divisions as Mamprugu, Kusasi, Frafra, Gurensi and Builsa all under the Lordship of the Nayiri as the paramount chief of Mamprusi. Similarly, the Nawuri, Nchumuru, Mo and Vagala were put under the Yagbonwurura of Gonja kingdom. This administrative initiative was implemented by Chief Commissioner Armitage. This was done for political and administrative expediency because the colonial administration at the time did not have sufficient logistics and personnel to govern the entire colony, especially the protected territories in Northern Ghana. Subsequently, there was the introduction of local police called â€Å"Nana Kana†, who constituted tribunals and for the collection of taxes and tried general cases except criminal ones. This enhanced the loyalty of the stateless ethnic groups to the paramount chiefs. The creation of the National Territorial Council (NTC) in 1938 for chiefs further increased the administrative authority of these chiefs. According to colonial writers such as Blair, Rattray, Tait, Cardinalland Manoukian, although the colonial administration imposed chiefs for administrative purposes, the acephalous people never accepted them, thus, they were never ‘ruled by the chiefly peoples, but were only raided periodically. The chiefly groups extorted monies from the stateless groups as fines, especially through the chiefly court system. The implication of these developments are that, with time emotional sentiments and passions are brought to bear with general official arrangements which gradually leads one side to call for changes. If the call is not heeded by the authorities involved, one side feels cheated and with the lapse of time lead to ethnic based but largely culture oriented conflict. According to Tait, Dagomba ‘rule was limited to sporadic raids to obtain slaves needed for the annual tribute to the Ashanti. From time to time, local tax collectors were sent to Konkomba territory to collect foodstuff such as millet, sorghum, yam, and maize, which was sold in the markets to raise money for the local chief. In 1950, some Konkombas were stopped by Dagombas on their way to Yendi market and their head-loads of new yam taken (which was valued at  £18), and in the same year when the Ya Na was fined in the District Commissioners court, two lorry loads of sorghum were collected in Saboba region alone on the grounds that, ‘The European says that it has got to be paid. Also according to Skalnik (1983 in Katanga,1994, pp21), Konkomba marriage disputes accounted for a large source of income for the court of the Bimbilla-Naa. Thus it became very rare for a Konkomba to appeal to the District Commissioner on cases of injustices, though instances of this sort of extor tion were frequent. Similarly, the lay magistrate often without really solving the dispute to any sides satisfaction took bribes from both parties. The cumulative effect of this was total allegiance of these non-chiefly tribes to the chiefly groups. The Konkombas for instance were compelled to give some days as free labor annually in the farms of Nanumba/Dagombas chiefs and the compulsory donation of a hind leg of any big animal killed wild or domesticated to Nanumba chiefs. Probably the most unfair of these injustices was that, Konkombas were not allowed to settle even petty quarrels among themselves including matrimonial ones, even as late as the 20th century. These conditions compelled Konkombas to request for their own tribunal under Ali, an ex-soldier, domiciled in Bimbilla, to settle petty disputes particularly marriage cases. This proposal was vehemently rejected and attempts were made to eject Ali from Bimbilla, culminating into a heated atmosphere (Brukum, 1999:11-12). Another crucial notation is post colonial government arrangements both internal and external in Ghanas northern region. Several uncharacteristic and unscrupulous actions of post-colonial governments saw a further deterioration in the social friction between the chiefly and non-chiefly ethnic groups which were largely operated by land administration policies. All lands in Northern Ghana were protected and were under the custody ownership of the Tendaanas (Earth-shrine Priest) and not chiefs. The chief (Na or Ubor) in the north wielded only political power. The Tendaana was the highest office held by the autochthonous tribes, and consisted legitimate ownership of the land which even extended over chiefs. The Na/Ubor never dared to arrogate to himself, the duties of the Tendaana. Infact, the Na/Ubor humbled himself before him and appeared disguised as poor when occasions arose for him to visit the Tendaana. This is because the Tendaana not only owned the land, but he is the only person known to the spirit of the land. Hence it was the Tendaana that had the right to give out lands. It was believed that, the Chief did not grant farming lands to individuals. He is considered not to have any right over farms. Tindaamba (another name for Tendaana) still have power over chiefs and are feared. During this era, land was not a scarce resource and according to Goody under such conditions neither individuals nor kin groups bother to lay specific claims to large tracts of territory, since land is virtually a free good (Katanga, 1994:21). Land ownership in northern Ghana came under the custody of chiefs in 1978 during the Acheampong regime when a law was passed vesting all northern lands into the hands of selected ethnic groups chiefs (notice the connection of the emergence of the intra-ethnic conflict between the Abudu and Andani Gates which will take several years to assume full scale) and left out most other groups. The criteria for vesting the lands in the hands of these few chiefs were based on the recommendations of Alhassan Report of 1978, which were backed by the Minister for Lands and Mineral Resources, both Dagombas (another watchful area, dealing with cultures involvement in conflict). Indeed the Alhassan Committees Report twisted the truth about the land tenure arrangements in Northern Ghana in favor of the chiefs and his tribesmen and the other chiefly people. These reforms in Northern Ghana Land administration were implemented by the then Government to solicit for political support from the Northern Chie fs for the UNIGOV System (Unity Government). With the failure of the Acheampong government however, these legislations were abrogated as the reins of government was overtaken by another military regime. The ceasure of the reins of government and the subsequent decree rule reversed this trend of land principles laid down by the previous administration and has ever since been the bane of confrontation between brothers in the different sides of the same group as is the case of the Dagbon conflict. The Konkomba Youth Association (KOYA) contested the Alhassan Report and has repeatedly pointed out that, the report has been the root cause of the three major ethnic conflicts and twenty minor ones between the chiefdoms. The jejune with these quack legislations is that they turn to outlive their significance with the transition of government, something that is purely not in the interest of the rural Ghanaian. There is no one-size-fits-all approach to conflict resolution, since culture is always a factor. Cultural fluency is therefore a core competency for those who intervene in conflicts or simply want to function more effectively in their own lives and situations. Cultural fluency involves recognizing and acting respectfully from the knowledge that communication, ways of naming, framing, and taming conflict, approaches to meaning-making, and identities and roles vary across cultures. In retrospect, culture as a key factor in conflict generation and orientation it that of a silent creeper. The kind that is in no way given premise by conflict analysts as being the prime cause in conflict situations. In the other words, the largel